The Truth About Capitalism

hartwig • August 1, 2023

It Ain't What You Think

During these times of political turmoil, there have emerged a number of unassailable truths. The number of impoverished people in the United States is expanding in direct proportion to the decline of those who once found themselves in the middle class. As the middle class, an economically defined group, comprised of all manner of races, ethnicities, ages and occupations, shrinks, its constituents are becoming increasingly polarized, tending less to support a political system that no longer affords them economic stability, while gravitating towards others they identify with on other than economic grounds. The wealth gap in this country is growing alarmingly. And throughout, the terms “capitalism,” “market capitalism” or “free market capitalism,” all used interchangeably in the public vernacular, and construed as antithetical to “socialism” or “communism,” have become increasingly vilified.

A less apparent truth, lingering in the shadows, is that the term capitalism, commonly though of as antithetical to communism or socialism, due in large part to the convenience of doing so during the Cold War, is ill used as anything other than to define the general functions of all economic systems. Capitalism, as it is commonly referred to in the body politic, is a red herring.

“Capitalism” defined, then, in realistic terms, is the process by which one or more of the factors of production are employed to generate capital. The modern factors of production are land, natural resources or ideas, labor, information and capital. Of equal importance, while all money is capital, not all capital is money. Capital may also include goods, used as barter or for consumption.

Thusly defined, all economic systems are capitalistic.

With this in mind, the crux of the matter is not one of capitalism verses some other system, but rather, is a matter of the degrees of centralized control, whether public or private, there are over one or more of the factors of production. Quantifying the answer to those questions leads to the next; what are the consequences?

There are two idealized extremes of capitalism that are best characterized by Karl Marx, the godfather of communism, and Adam Smith, champion of free marketeers. Both espoused, in their own ways, economic structures characterized by the lack of centralized control over any of the factors of production. Obviously, the mechanics of arriving at either Utopian vision differed greatly. Ultimately, however, neither ideal has ever been realized with respect to any economy of scale. Nor will they be. Both notions belie human nature and the nature of governments.

The real bookends of capitalistic systems are state totalitarianism and oligarchy. In the first instance, exemplified by the former Soviet Union, the State exercised dominion over all of the factors of production and in the latter, characterized most appropriately by modern Russia, private sector control over the factors of production, though less absolute than that enjoyed by the Soviet government, is in the hands of the few and is almost absolute. The remaining economic systems, all capitalistic, lie somewhere between the two, but embody attributes of both. Of further consequence, all economic structures are fluid, in large part due to the ever increasing interventions and interference in economic activities by government, both on its own behalf, borne of fiscal demands, and those of the most politically powerful private sector entities, the fruits of lobbying and campaign contributions. Hence, centralized control over one or more of the factors of production is not only inevitable, it is also tumorous. This is an unavoidable reality.

A corollary truism is that while any centralized control over the factors of production by a state require no private sector acquiescence, the reverse is not true. In most countries, private sector control over one or more factors of production is the ultimate result of favorable tax treatment, favorable regulatory treatment, direct and indirect subsidies, tailored contracts, cheap access to natural resources on public lands and government protectionism. These are not market mechanisms. And, lest we deem notions of centralized control over the factors of production in the US unlikely, consider that federal, state and local governments, coupled with one percent of the population, control about 60 percent of all land in the U.S.; 63 percent of all wealth in the US was held by 5 percent of American families in 2017, while 50 percent of families accounted for 1 percent of all wealth; and, information, not only its accumulation, but also its dissemination, is largely controlled by a few American tech companies and the U.S. National Security Agency. And, as a final example, while individuals have control over their labor, there is centralized, governmental control over the fruits thereof, in the form of taxes.

Ancillary to all of this is another truism of consequence; there is an inverse relationship between increasing centralized control over the factors of production, whether privately, publicly or both, and individual economic liberty interests. Logically this must result in a diminution of individual political liberty interest. All of this, coupled with the impact of the Covid virus, suggests a pressing need to re-examine our economic system, not as to the virtues of capitalism, but as to the desirability of failing to rein in the accumulation of centralized control, by government and the largest private sector entities, over the economy. In the interim, we capitalists are carrying on, as best we can.


By hartwig February 23, 2025
Censorship in the tech industry, particularly social media, has become a glaring problem in this country. Unfortunately, or fortunately, as many believe, social media platforms have become an integral part of not only expressing ideas, but for the purposes of marketing goods and services. In fact, it would be safe to hazard that absent the use of social media, it has become almost impossible to conduct commerce in the US and elsewhere. Thus, for all intents and purposes, social media have become quasi-public utilities. In practice, these platforms have employed algorithms to manage the exposure people get on these platforms; some are given wide coverage, while others are throttled, all for a variety of reasons. These include, though are not necessarily confined to, whether users are paying for subscriptions, whether they are "celebrities," or endorsed by these; and, as has been most egregious, for expressing their political and social views and/or levying criticisms at the platforms and/or their owners. Hence, an expression of opinion, if contrary to the chosen narrative of the platform, leads not only to censorship of the author on that basis, but also results in direct curtailment of the author's commercial purposes. Every one of the social media platforms are guilty of these practices. And, while the Zuckerberg outlets have deservedly gained notoriety for therefore, the propensity of Mr. Musk, vis a vis, X, is no less inclined to these. While Musk and Zuckerberg and the rest will tend to allow some dissent from those with millions of followers, for the lesser popular users, any variance from the dominant narrative or criticism of the platform or its owners invariably leads to isolation. I have experienced this on both Instagram and X, to my economic detriment. The difference between Musk and Zuckerberg et al, is merely a matter of Musk's propensity for superior public relations and spin. The net effect of their respective algorithmic censorship is exactly the same. Dissent is squelched. Censorship has always been a bad idea. The expression and/or exchange of ideas are vital to the notion of democracy. That said, there are certainly bad ideas expressed in the public forums represented by social media; however, the suppression of these, rather than allowing them to be openly challenged, will lead to an underground network of the disenfranchised who, absent a forum for self-expression, will, once down the rabbit holes of their beliefs, only emerge, often violently, when their beliefs have festered and demand expression at any cost and in any form. Of course, the issue of suppressing "bad" ideas also begs the question: who is the arbiter of what constitutes a "bad" idea verses one that is "good." An example of this is found on the left of center social, televised and print media, both here and abroad, which, over the course of the last decade, have managed to brand as "far right" those ideas that were deemed to be moderate twenty years ago. Should truly far right media gain dominance, the same risk will appear - that political moderates will be demonized as "far left." In addition, as is certainly the case in Europe, but is also gaining popularity among our political and media elites, is the notion that criticism and dissent should be branded as "hate" speech and criminalized. Again, the question abounds as to who gets to determine what speech is allowable. Obviously this will depend on the dominant groups and their respective, preferred narratives. All of the foregoing requires reactive and proactive redress. First and foremost, transparency in the algorithms utilized by social media platforms ought to be public. These should be re-written, or the governing AI's programmed, to allow only organic growth on social media. Users, who find offense in certain rhetoric or interaction, need merely be given the option to opt out of further contact with the authors thereof, though civil debate ought to be encouraged. As for criticism of political leaders, tech tycoons and the like, if this must be suppressed, then perhaps there is truth in the criticism that bears investigation. It seems logical, given the importance of social media and tech, in our society, and our dependence thereon, that the "big stick" the government carries, as it tries to invoke change, is that it could readily legislate that these platforms are not merely de facto public utilities, but that they are such as a matter of law and as essential essential public utilities, they may be governed accordingly.
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